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Harm Reduction in Full Flight:
A composite snapshot of interviews done by Tyler Oliveira on the impact of North American Harm Reduction Policies
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(A commentary)
The issues of children and young people who use drugs, parental drug use, and children’s involvement in the drug trade are many and extremely complex. No one paper can do justice to these complexities. But our analysis of article 33 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) may be summarised with the following broad conclusions:
There Are Two Substantive Protections in Article 33
1. Appropriate measures, including legislative, administrative, social and educational measures, to protect children from the illicit use of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances as defined in the relevant international treaties. This involves not just one level of protection (i.e. primary prevention) but four:
- Reduction of initiation
- Protection of children currently using drugs (recreationally, problematically etc.)
- Protection from drug use in the family (especially parental drug use)
- Protection from drug use in the community
2. Appropriate measures, including legislative, administrative, social and educational measures, to prevent the use of children in the illicit production and trafficking of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances as defined in the relevant international treaties.
‘Appropriateness’ frames both substantive protections and itself may be broken down into a series of five broad principles.
Appropriate measures must be:
- Read alongside the remaining articles of the CRC (in particular the General Principles)
- Read in the light of other provisions of international law which provide greater protection
- Address patterns of vulnerability including a gender perspective
- Evidence-based (i.e. not arbitrary)
- Proportionate
The ‘relevant international treaties’ play what may be called a ‘subjective’ role (describing the substances captured by the article), rather than a normative one (determining what measures are ‘appropriate’ for the purposes of article 33).
‘Relevant international treaties’, as they apply to children, must be read alongside the CRC. The relationship between the CRC and ‘other relevant treaties’ indicates that the CRC is open in terms of the larger policy paradigm adopted to ‘protect’ children or define ‘illicit’ use, production and trafficking.
200. Since the CRC was drafted we know much more about risk factors for drug use, dependence and drug related harms. We know more about what is effective and ineffective in terms of prevention, treatment and harm reduction, and which groups of children are more at risk and why. We know more about children’s involvement in the drug trade and the myriad factors contributing to this phenomenon. And we know much more about child rights-based approaches to multiple social issues. Still, not enough attention has been paid to articulating a child rights-based approach to drug policies and to the many issues children face in relation to drugs and the drug trade. This is true of the CRC Committee, governments and civil society organisations.
It is time now to take child rights more seriously in drug control, and drug control more seriously in child rights.
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Our children must be able to grow up nourished and supported in loving and caring environments. They must have time to be children with all the wonder, happiness and innocence that childhood should bring.
Over recent years the reported levels of child neglect and abuse in Australia have increased at an alarming rate. Child abuse and neglect has become an issue of national concern. Meanwhile, statutory child protection systems are struggling under the load.
Protecting children is everyone’s responsibility. Parents, communities, governments and business all have a role to play. Australia needs a shared agenda for change, with national leadership and a common goal. All Australian governments have endorsed the first National Framework for Protecting Australia’s Children 2009-2020 and are committed to implementing the initial actions it contains. It is a long-term, national approach to help protect all Australian children.
The National Framework represents an unprecedented level of collaboration between Australian, State and Territory governments and non-government organisations to protect children. Placing children’s interests firmly at the centre of everything we do.
Reducing child abuse and neglect is not an easy task and it will take time. The National Framework provides the foundation for national reform.
(Substance use and its promotion has no place in a society seeking this best practice outcome – D.I)
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Here's a sobering thought: While your average recreational substance user is busy defending their "harmless fun," approximately 8.7 million children in the United States alone are living in households where at least one parent struggles with substance use disorder. That's right – one in eight children under 17 are watching their childhood disappear into the bottom of someone else's bottle or going up in someone else's smoke. Let's cut through the haze and look at what the research actually tells us about this "recreational" activity's impact on the next generation.
For complete investigative article
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In what might go down as the most expensive experiment in missing the point, Australia’s decades-long dance with harm reduction policies has produced results that would be laughable if they weren’t so tragic. New data reveals a sobering reality: whenever harm reduction takes centre stage, drug-related deaths perform their own tragic encore.
Historical Context: Australia’s Drug Policy Journey
The trajectory of Australia’s drug policy reads like a cautionary tale in unintended consequences. Between 1985 and 1999, as Australia embraced harm reduction approaches, it achieved an unfortunate distinction: the highest drug use rates among OECD countries. The numbers tell a stark story – opiate deaths rose from 347 in 1988 to 1,116 in 1999, a trajectory that should have set off alarm bells throughout the public health community.
However, a brief period of hope emerged between 1998 and 2006, when Australia implemented the Federal Prevention approach. During this period, deaths from all drug types decreased significantly. This success was short-lived. From 2007 onward, with the return to harm reduction priorities, death rates began climbing again across all drug categories.
The harm reduction movement’s reliance on questionable scientific methodology deserves scrutiny. Consider the 2011 Lancet study on Vancouver’s injecting room, which claimed a 9% reduction in overdose deaths. Official British Columbia coroner’s figures tell a different story:
- 2001: 90 overdose deaths
- 2002: 49 deaths
- 2003: 51 deaths
- 2004: 67 deaths (37% increase after facility opened)
- 2005: 55 deaths (still 12% higher than pre-facility)
The study’s methodology artificially created positive results by comparing different time periods in a way that obscured the actual impact of the facility.
Current Harm Reduction Proposals: A Critical Examination
Pill Testing: The Dangerous Illusion of Safety
Proponents of pill testing present it as a scientific solution to drug-related deaths. However, a comprehensive analysis of 392 Ecstasy-related deaths in Australia between 2000 and 2018 reveals the fundamental limitations of this approach:
- 14% of deaths resulted from allergic-type reactions that no pill testing regime could predict
- Nearly half (48%) of deaths involved polysubstance use, particularly combinations with alcohol and cocaine
- 29% of deaths occurred due to accidents while intoxicated
These statistics highlight a crucial flaw in the pill testing paradigm: it creates a false sense of security while being unable to prevent the primary causes of Ecstasy-related deaths. The very presence of pill testing facilities may inadvertently legitimise drug use, suggesting to potential users that there exists a “safe” way to consume illegal substances.
Injecting Rooms: The Statistics That Don’t Add Up
Perhaps nowhere is the failure of harm reduction more evident than in the statistics surrounding injecting facilities. The Sydney injecting room reported overdose rates 63 times higher than the pre-registration rates of its clients – a number that defies logical explanation. Melbourne’s Medically Supervised Injecting Room (MSIR) reported even more troubling numbers, with overdose rates 102 times higher than street rates.
These statistics raise serious questions:
- How do these facilities actually prevent harm when they appear to be associated with increased risk-taking behaviour?
- Are these facilities inadvertently creating “safe spaces” for dangerous behaviour rather than reducing it?
- Does the presence of medical supervision encourage users to take greater risks?
The 2020 government-funded evaluation of Melbourne’s MSIR revealed another troubling trend: deaths actually increased in the facility’s area, mirroring increases across Melbourne. This suggests that rather than preventing deaths, these facilities may be prolonging dangerous drug use patterns, ultimately leading to greater loss of life.
The International Experience: Cautionary Tales
Portugal’s Decriminalisation: A Closer Look at the Data
Portugal’s 2001 drug decriminalisation policy is often cited as a model for drug policy reform. However, a detailed examination of the outcomes reveals concerning trends:
- Overall drug use has increased by 59% since implementation
- Minor drug use has seen increases of up to 80%
- Overdose deaths have risen by 85% since 2002
- Portugal now ranks among the top three EU countries for illegal drug use in wastewater testing
These statistics stand in stark contrast to the narrative of success often presented by harm reduction advocates. The Portuguese experience suggests that removing criminal penalties, while maintaining technical illegality, creates a confusing middle ground that may actually increase drug use and associated harms.
The Colorado Cannabis Experiment: Unintended Consequences
Colorado’s journey with cannabis liberalisation provides another warning about the potential consequences of harm reduction approaches. Following medical cannabis law loosening in 2009 and full legalisation in 2013, the state experienced:
- A 410% increase in cannabis-related suicides by 2016
- A 360% increase in cannabis-related hospitalisations
- A 230% increase in cannabis-related traffic deaths
- A doubling of adult cannabis use
These numbers suggest that policies intended to reduce harm may instead normalise drug use and increase overall societal costs.
Evidence-Based Success Stories: What Actually Works
While the failure of harm reduction approaches is clear, several jurisdictions have demonstrated remarkable success with prevention-focused policies:
- Sweden achieved an 80% reduction in secondary student illicit drug use between 1971 and 1990 through a consistent focus on prevention and clear anti-drug messaging.
- Iceland’s prevention-focused approach resulted in a 60-90% reduction in secondary student illicit drug use from 1998 to present.
- Australia achieved a 40% reduction in both student and adult drug use during the “Tough on Drugs” period (1998-2007).
- The US much-maligned but effective “Just Say No” campaign achieved a 70% reduction in secondary student use between 1981 and 1991, demonstrating the power of clear, consistent messaging.
Time for Change: The Path Forward
As Australia approaches another Drug Summit, policymakers face a critical choice. The evidence clearly shows that harm reduction policies, despite their compassionate intentions, have failed to deliver on their promises. Instead, they have often contributed to increased drug use, higher death rates, and greater societal costs.
The success stories from Sweden, Iceland, and Australia’s own “Tough on Drugs” era provide a clear roadmap for effective drug policy:
- Prioritise prevention over harm reduction
- Implement clear, consistent anti-drug messaging
- Maintain strong legal deterrents while providing appropriate treatment options
- Focus on reducing overall drug use rather than merely managing its consequences
The time has come to acknowledge that enabling drug use while calling it “harm reduction” has failed. The data shows that Prevention, Demand Reduction, and Recovery aren’t just buzzwords – they’re proven lifesavers. The cost of maintaining failed harm reduction policies is measured not just in dollars, but in lives lost and potential squandered. It’s time for a return to these evidence-based strategies that have demonstrated real success in reducing drug use and its associated harms. (WRD News November 6th 2024thWRD News November 6th 2024)
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