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Australia ran the most successful anti-smoking campaign the world had ever seen. Not one of the most successful, the most successful. We reduced daily tobacco consumption from around 52 per cent of all Australians aged 16 and over in the late 1940s down to around 13 per cent just a few years ago. That is not a small achievement. That is decades of disciplined, consistent, evidence-based public health work paying off in one of the most sustained behaviour change campaigns any country has ever managed.
And then we watched it get systematically undermined.
A Campaign That Was Actually Working
The Quit campaign succeeded because it kept the message simple and it never wavered. Don’t start. If you started, quit completely. No substitutes – No safer alternatives – No managed use – Just stop. That sustained clarity in and from all major sectors, health, policy, government, media and education, cut through for decades and the numbers proved it.
The data from that period showed around 100,000 Australians quitting annually. Real people walking away from a real addiction and that is the campaign working exactly as intended. The problem was that roughly the same number from the emerging youth demographic were replacing those who quit each year. That should have been the alarm bell. Instead, addiction for profit activists saw it as an opening and they moved quickly to exploit it.
Cannabis: The First Substitution
That youth replacement trend did not emerge in isolation, it coincided directly with the steady liberalisation of cannabis use across Australia. Along with the faux medicinal prefix conveniently attached to it, cannabis was reframed in the public mind as the more acceptable, less harmful option to tobacco. Genuine clinical need had very little to do with how that label landed in popular culture. It was a perception shift, and it was effective.
Suddenly the choice for young Australians was not between using and not using. It was between products, with one framed as medicine and the other as poison, that is a profound and deliberate shift. Harm reduction did not discourage substance use here, it redirected it toward a different product while keeping the behaviour intact and unsurprisingly, redirected use still builds dependency.
Dependency drives demand – that pattern is not complicated and it is not accidental.
Vaping: Same Trick, New Vehicle
If cannabis cracked the prevention model, vaping came along and really went to work on it. Pro-drug activists hijacked harm reduction again, this time pushing e-cigarettes hard as the clean, modern alternative to tobacco. A legitimate quitting tool, they said. A safer delivery mechanism that declared – compassionate harm reduction in action was the ad nauseum spin.
Except it did not stop people inhaling health-destroying toxins, it just changed the device.
The fundamental behaviour, drawing toxic substances into your lungs, remained completely intact. And then, surprise surprise, we discovered that this new delivery vehicle carried its own serious harms; Respiratory damage, cardiovascular risk, lung injuries that were not supposed to exist in a product sold as the safe alternative. Who could possibly have seen that coming!
What vaping actually delivered, away from the carefully controlled conditions of clinical trials, was a brand new generation of nicotine users who had never smoked a cigarette in their lives – teenagers and young adults. Drawn in by flavours, by slick marketing, by a product deliberately designed to feel nothing like smoking while delivering exactly the same addiction. These were not smokers switching to a safer product, these were new users being recruited into nicotine dependency through a door that harm reduction activists propped wide open. Dependency followed – demand followed dependency, and that demand needed somewhere to go.
A Generation Sold a Crock
So here we are, a generation sold a lie on multiple fronts. Cannabis was medicine. Vaping was quitting. Every step dressed up as harm reduction, every step quietly encouraging use rather than ending it, every step adding to the pool of dependent users while presenting itself as a public health solution, and now it has all landed back on the cigarette.
That is the real backdrop to Australia’s exploding illicit tobacco trade. Illicit product now accounts for somewhere between a third and half of all tobacco sold nationally. Excise losses run between seven and twelve billion dollars annually. A decade ago that number sat under one billion. The trajectory is not subtle. Organised crime moved into that space fast and they brought arson, shootings and systematic retailer intimidation with them. This is not a grey market, this is a serious criminal enterprise operating at scale, and it is operating into a demand base that bad harm reduction policy helped build and maintain.
The Quit Campaign Did Not Fail
Now the message gaining traction in the public square is that the War on Tobacco failed, that the illicit market proves it. That prevention doesn’t work and we need a new approach. Same old mantra, new spin, same people pushing it.
Let us be crystal clear, the Quit campaign did not fail – it worked and it can still work. What failed was harm reduction policy hijacked by addiction-for-profit operators who are very good at exactly one thing – finding ways to build an inescapable customer base. The playbook is consistent; introduce a substitute, market it as safer, recruit new users under the cover of helping existing ones. Normalise the behaviour, sustain the dependency and collect the revenue.
They line their pockets and they throw hapless thousands into an already collapsing health system to manage the ever-increasing damage their products cause. And then they point at the chaos they helped create and call it proof that prevention doesn’t work. It is breathtaking in its cynicism and it has been running for a long time.
The short- and long-term harms of this game are almost inestimable. And the first step toward addressing them honestly is calling it exactly what it is.
Dalgarno Institute (Source: WRD News)
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A New York Times podcast on the global drug crisis raises urgent concerns, but leaves the most important questions unasked.
There is something almost cinematic about the way The New York Times framed its recent investigation into the synthetic drugs crisis. A mysterious death in a Chicago jail. A criminal investigator who says “keister” instead of something cruder. A “Rosetta Stone” of ten overlapping substances on a single sheet of paper. Drug-soaked mail laundered through Amazon packaging. A paper baron operating out of the South Side.
The episode of “The Daily” features NYT international investigations correspondent Azam Ahmed in conversation with host Natalie Kitroeff. It is gripping journalism. Ahmed spent more than a year embedded in the world of synthetic drug trafficking, and his reporting is serious, detailed and built on sustained access. The Cook County jail investigation is a genuinely revelatory piece of work.
But what the episode reveals about contemporary drug-policy thinking is, in some respects, more troubling than what it reveals about the drugs themselves. It is worth examining closely, because the gaps are not random – they follow a concerning pattern.
The Reporting at the Heart of the Episode
The conversation covers substantial ground. Ahmed describes a paradigm shift in global drug markets: the move from plant-based substances to synthetically manufactured ones. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime has catalogued more than 1,450 new psychoactive substances, a figure that has tripled in a single decade. As Ahmed puts it, making a new drug is now “like chefs testing new recipes,” because the chemistry can be altered endlessly in a lab.
He traces the Cook County jail story from a 2023 death that left no visible contraband, only burned paper fragments. Investigators eventually found that people were smuggling synthetic drugs by dissolving them into liquid and soaking sheets of paper. Mail, personal visits and Amazon third-party sellers all served as entry points. One sheet recovered in August 2024 carried ten different synthetic compounds, from cannabinoids to opioids to substances found in rat poison.
Ahmed also discusses nitazenes, a class of opioids developed in the 1950s but never brought to market because of their extreme potency. He says they can be 20 to 40 times stronger than fentanyl, and that authorities now find them across Europe and the United States. Methamphetamine production in Southeast Asia, he reports, operates at a scale that dwarfs cartel output in Mexico. Enforcement pressure on fentanyl precursor chemicals, he argues, simply pushed criminal networks toward even more dangerous alternatives.
From this, Ahmed draws his own clear and not unsurprising conclusions:
- Enforcement-focused approaches have failed and may have made the crisis worse.
- Harm reduction, he suggests, must form part of any serious response.
- The policy conversation, in his view, should move away from what he calls “retrograde rhetoric” about cracking down.
That is the frame – the lens this ‘investigation’ wants us to look at and through, Ah, but this deserves closer examination than the episode gives it.
“The War on Drugs Has Failed”: A Claim, Not a Finding
Throughout the episode, Ahmed treats the failure of the war on drugs as the starting point rather than the conclusion. He says it plainly: “We all know the war on drugs has failed. We also know it not only failed, it kind of made things worse.”
That is a significant claim to present as settled fact, and not unsurprisingly with confirmation bias leaning investigations, the episode never tests it.
What evidence does it actually offer?
- Enforcement operations that failed to permanently disrupt drug markets.
- The arrest of a South Side paper baron that did not reduce overdoses at Cook County.
- Cartel crackdowns that did not stop fentanyl.
- Precursor restrictions that appear to have driven innovation toward nitazenes.
These observations are real, however, all these examples do is show the limits of supply-side enforcement in isolation. They do not show that the entire framework of drug control made things worse, and no one in the room considers what conditions would look like with no enforcement infrastructure at all.
There is also a circularity that this conversation never challenges. The argument runs: Enforcement suppressed fentanyl, so criminals built something worse, therefore enforcement made things worse. Apply that logic to any regulation and it collapses. Restricting dangerous products sometimes drives innovation toward replacements, but that is not an argument for ceasing to restrict dangerous products.
The War FOR Drugs
Here is the larger omission. The episode scrutinises the “war on drugs” relentlessly, while ignoring its mirror image entirely: the war for drugs being actively, no, assiduously and relentlessly being waged.
If there has been a fifty-year campaign to suppress supply, there has also been a sustained, well-resourced and increasingly successful campaign to expand demand, normalise consumption and lower the social and legal cost of using. It has commercial backers, advocacy organisations, lobbying budgets, friendly media framing and a cultural tailwind. The legal cannabis industry, growing rapidly across multiple jurisdictions, has a direct financial incentive to enlarge its user base. Organised pro-drug movements actively work to expand the acceptability of a range of substances, influencing legislation and public opinion. Entertainment, music and social media steadily frame intoxication as ordinary, even desirable, particularly to the young.
That campaign has arguably been far more effective than the constantly undermined enforcement effort it is so often contrasted with. Yet it appears nowhere in the episode as a named actor. When you examine one side of a conflict with forensic attention and treat the other as if it does not exist, the analysis is incomplete by definition. The honest question is not only whether the war on drugs failed – it is whether the war for drugs has been quietly winning.
The Demand Nobody Discussed
This points to the deeper gap. Why do so many people, in so many societies, actively want these substances?
Half an hour on one of the most serious public health crises of the modern era produced almost no examination of the forces that create and sustain demand. To the episode’s partial credit, Kitroeff does eventually raise the consumption side, asking about “the alternate route here… addressing demand.” But watch what happens next. Ahmed immediately reframes the question as “legalisation, or decriminalisation,” and from there moves to harm reduction. Demand is raised, and then redirected, away from any discussion of reducing it.
That redirection is the whole problem in miniature. Demand reduction received no real attention. Early intervention did not feature and school, community and family-based prevention went unmentioned. Recovery appeared only briefly, framed through harm reduction of course. Nobody asked why people begin using, or what might reduce initiation or facilitate active recovery. The cultural normalisation of drug use, the commercial expansion of markets, the social conditions that make chemical escape attractive: none of it was scrutinised.
Inmate Rashad Rowry came closest to the heart of it when he described becoming “addicted to not caring,” to the drug’s power to make him indifferent to his circumstances, his future and the deaths around him. That is profound hopelessness, and it is a demand-side statement of the first order and it deserved far more than a passing moment of reflection. The question it begs, what produces that hopelessness and how might it be prevented, is precisely the one the episode does not ask.
Drug-Soaked Paper Is Not New
The episode presents drug-soaked paper as an apparent startling recent innovation, encountered with bewilderment, defeating existing detection methods. The framing suggests a genuinely novel threat. The chemistry is new, however, the method is not.
Drug-infused paper has been a street staple for more than half a century. LSD was distributed on absorbent sheets so commonly that one of its enduring street names was simply “blotter.” It was also known as “sacrament,” because users would soak it into wafers, sugar cubes, or any medium that would hold the liquid, and then consume it. The principle, dissolve a potent compound into liquid and carry it on an absorbent material, is decades old. What is genuinely new is the range of synthetic compounds now being used, and the deployment of the method in jails specifically to defeat detection of more conventional contraband.
That distinction matters for policy. If drug-soaked paper looks entirely novel, it seems to demand entirely novel responses. Seen accurately, it is a modern chemistry applied to an old smuggling method, one more turn in a long cycle of adaptation and counter-adaptation. Emphasising novelty at the expense of that history distorts the conclusions that follow from it.
Harm Reduction and the Assumption of Inevitability
When Kitroeff asks what can actually be done, Ahmed centres his answer on harm reduction and wheels out an increasingly misrepresentative ‘chestnut’. He parrots a well worn pro-drug activist mantra in describing the issue as a public health matter rather than a criminal one, something “Europe is really focused on.” That can be a legitimate perspective, but again, only half the story, but the episode simply never interrogates the assumptions inside it.
If you listen to the interview you will hear how Ahmed defines the approach: “We understand people are going to use drugs. We understand that we’re never going to be able to fully reduce all of the demand.” There is that sabotaging apriori assumption – that sentence does a great deal of quiet work. It accepts as given that drug use is permanent and that reducing demand is a lost cause. From there, the only sensible goal becomes managing the consequences. That is a coherent position. It is not a neutral one, and it is not the only one available.
Three assumptions sit inside it, each worth the same scrutiny the episode reserves for enforcement.
- First, that abstinence and recovery are unrealistic for most users, a claim that research on natural recovery from substance use disorders directly challenges.
- Second, that reducing initiation will not work, which effective school-based prevention and the long decline in tobacco and drink-driving both contradict.
- Third, that the cultural forces driving demand are beyond intervention, which the public health practitioners who turned the tide on smoking would dispute.
There is a subtler risk too. A comprehensive harm reduction framework can function as a “permission model,” accommodating drug use as normal and ongoing in ways that lower the perceived cost of starting. E.g Needle exchange cuts HIV transmission – Naloxone saves lives. These tools have a genuine evidence base and a real place, but a framework that manages the consequences of use while showing little interest in reducing the number of people who start is not a comprehensive public health strategy – it is at best, containment. And containment, as the jail reporting itself shows, tends to fall behind the adaptive capacity of the thing it is trying to contain.
The Question Nobody in the Room Asked
Investigative journalism is most credible when it applies its scepticism consistently, including to the views it finds congenial.
Early in the episode, Kitroeff notes, in passing, that she has “a special interest reporting experiences in this world.” The phrase is left to hang – no elaboration, no clarifying question. In a half-hour conversation about who uses drugs and why, that is a curious thing to skip past.
It raises a question the episode never asks of itself; Contemporary drug-policy discourse leans heavily on the “living experience” of drug use as a source of insight and authority. If living experience is treated as a qualification when it belongs to the people being studied, then transparency about the living experience of the people doing the studying matters at least as much. Did anyone in that room, the guest, the host, the producers shaping the framing, use these substances recreationally? It is not an accusation, it is the obvious question, and its absence from a conversation that prides itself on “dispassionate, brutal honesty” is conspicuous. A genuinely sceptical investigation would have asked it of everyone present, not only of the inmates.
A War FOR Sobriety
Ahmed’s reporting, on Cook County, on nitazenes, on Southeast Asian meth, on the sheer adaptive sophistication of these networks, is serious and important. The reporting is far more rigorous than the policy analysis wrapped around it.
The “war on drugs has failed” narrative functions as settled truth rather than a contested claim. The war for drugs, the organised commercial, cultural and political effort to expand use, goes unmentioned. Demand is raised once and immediately redirected into legalisation and harm reduction. Prevention, early intervention and demand reduction are essentially absent. Harm reduction receives sympathy but no scrutiny. And the most basic question, why so many people in so many societies are reaching for these substances at all, goes almost entirely unasked.
That omission is not incidental. When demand is treated as a fixed constant rather than something that can be reduced, prevention disappears and containment becomes the only strategy left on the table. And containment, as this episode’s own reporting demonstrates, tends to generate the very innovation it is trying to suppress.
The real crisis may not be that the war on drugs has failed. It may be that no one has yet seriously attempted a war for sobriety.
Dalgarno Institute (WRD News)
Source: How A Drug Cocktail Made of Paper Is Killing Inmates
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The WFAD Capacity Building Webinar Series on Building Resilient and Inclusive Responses to Substance Use and Addiction was organised as part of this year’s World Forum series. Developed based on input from WFAD’s global network, the series aimed to strengthen the knowledge, skills, and capacity of organisations, practitioners, community leaders, and advocates working in prevention, treatment, recovery, and public advocacy. Across five sessions participants from different regions and professional backgrounds came together to exchange experiences, explore emerging challenges, and discuss practical approaches for strengthening responses in substance use prevention, treatment, and recovery. The series recognised that effective prevention and recovery efforts require comprehensive and coordinated approaches that address the complex social, psychological, and environmental factors influencing substance use. Throughout the webinar series, speakers and participants explored a range of interconnected topics, including trauma-informed and gender-sensitive approaches, meaningful youth engagement and leadership, recovery-oriented systems of care, emerging trends in substance use and behavioural addictions, and strategies for strengthening organisational and advocacy capacity
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A major new study has raised serious concerns about teen drug use and mental health, finding that young people who use drugs or binge drink are far more likely to suffer psychological distress. They are also more likely to have considered or attempted suicide, according to research from the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research (CHPR).
The study draws on data from nearly 3,000 interviews conducted as part of the 2022, 2023 and 2024 California Health Interview Surveys. It found that 9% of California adolescents aged 12 to 17 currently use one or more substances. That category covers marijuana or THC products, binge drinking, e-cigarettes and cigarettes. Current use was defined as any use within the past month.
Teen Drug Use and Mental Health: The Key Findings
The mental health findings were striking. Among young people who currently use substances, 46% had experienced serious psychological distress in the past year. Among those who do not use substances, that figure was 27%. The study defined psychological distress broadly. It included serious diagnosable mental health conditions as well as clinically relevant distress that would warrant professional intervention.
Existing research has long shown that early or heavy substance use in young people can harm brain development. It can also carry lasting consequences for mental wellbeing. This study adds to that evidence. It shows how sharply the risk intensifies when substance use and psychological distress occur together.
The Link Between Substance Use in Young People and Suicide Risk
The connection between teen drug use and mental health deterioration extended to suicidal thoughts. That was among the most alarming findings in the report. Across California, 10% of adolescents said they had seriously considered or attempted suicide in the past year.
When substance use and psychological distress occurred together, the figures rose sharply. Nearly half, 47%, of adolescents with both psychological distress and current substance use reported suicidal thoughts or attempts. Among those with distress but no substance use, that figure was 24%.
Even among young people without psychological distress, substance use in young people still elevated risk. Eight per cent of substance-using adolescents without distress reported suicidal thoughts or attempts. That was four times the rate among non-using peers at 2%. Young people who had ever used drugs or alcohol were more than three times as likely to report suicidal thoughts compared with those who had never used substances (20% versus 6%).
Normalisation and the Need for Prevention
Lead researcher Imelda Padilla-Frausto, a research scientist at UCLA CHPR, pointed to the role of popular culture. Young people face constant exposure to messaging that glamorises drinking and drug use. That includes advertising, streaming platforms, music and social media.
She argued that prevention must be treated as a priority. The report calls for targeted early intervention for young people identified as high risk. It also recommends co-locating mental health and substance use services to reduce barriers to care. Making treatment more youth-centred and accessible was highlighted as essential.
Padilla-Frausto also called for stronger enforcement of existing regulations. Those rules were designed to keep substances out of reach of young people. Enforcement, she argued, has not kept pace with need.
Why Acting Early Matters
The relationship between teen drug use and mental health outcomes makes the case for early action hard to ignore. When substance use goes unaddressed in young people, the consequences can be severe and long-lasting. A young person using drugs or alcohol today is at far greater risk of serious mental health problems tomorrow.
The UCLA findings reinforce what specialists in this field have long maintained. Waiting until problems become acute is costly. Reaching young people before patterns become entrenched is where the greatest difference can be made.
(Source: WRD News)
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National Tragedy Triggers Immediate Tobacco and Cannabis Cravings, New Research Finds
Collective Trauma and Substance Cravings: The Reflexive Response Nobody Talks About
When a national tragedy unfolds, the psychological fallout runs far deeper than grief or anxiety. New research in the Journal of Health Psychology shows that collective trauma and substance cravings are directly linked. Regular tobacco and cannabis users report an immediate spike in the urge to use. It happens simply from encountering reminders of a traumatic national event.
Dr Vera Skvirsky and Dr Uri Lifshin at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem led the study. Colleagues from the Israel Center for Addiction and Mental Health joined the research team. Their findings confirm that trauma-triggered drug cravings are not just anecdotal. They are a documented, reflexive psychological response.
Terror Management: Why the Brain Reaches for a Cigarette
Terror management theory sits at the heart of this research on collective trauma and substance cravings. It holds that humans are uniquely aware of their own mortality. When existential threats arise, people instinctively deploy psychological defences to cope. For many individuals, the researchers argue, reaching for a cigarette or cannabis is one of those defences.
It is not about habit in that moment. It is about suppression. Smoking functions as a rapid proximal defence. It temporarily blocks terrifying thoughts of death and vulnerability from conscious awareness.
Dr Lifshin was direct about what the data shows. The immediate urge to smoke after a collective existential reminder is a rapid defensive response, not simply a physical habit. Its purpose is to push thoughts of mortality out of conscious awareness.
Collective Trauma and Substance Cravings: What the Experiments Showed
The team ran two separate experiments. In the first, moderate to high-risk cannabis users read a news article about the October 7 attack on Israel. The article included recognisable images. A separate control group read about dental pain. Cannabis users exposed to the trauma content reported significantly heightened cravings.
The second experiment used the same method with daily tobacco smokers. The result held. Nicotine cravings surged after the trauma prompt, consistent across both groups. The pattern was clear: trauma-triggered drug cravings hit regular users hard, regardless of the substance.
People with high attachment anxiety showed higher overall cravings throughout. This group carries persistent fears about their own worth and whether support will be there when they need it. Their baseline craving levels ran higher from the outset.
When Standard Coping Strategies Fall Short
What did not work is perhaps the most important finding. Self-esteem, a secure attachment style, and a strong sense of national identity all failed to reduce trauma-triggered drug cravings. Structured self-affirmation tasks made no difference either.
This is significant for prevention work. Standard reassurance strategies may simply not reach the reflex fast enough. The urge operates on a more primitive psychological track than rational coping can access quickly. Around 17% of people with high attachment anxiety reported craving levels that standard buffers could not bring down.
Collective Trauma, Media Exposure, and Substance Use
This research sits in a broader and increasingly urgent global context. War, terrorism, political polarisation, displacement, and collective instability affect communities worldwide. Each shapes the link between collective trauma and substance cravings in ways prevention efforts need to account for.
Media exposure adds another layer to the collective trauma and substance cravings problem. Traumatic events may subside, but news reminders and anniversary coverage keep triggering the same craving response. For regular tobacco and cannabis users, the daily news cycle may quietly drive consumption in ways that rarely attract attention.
The findings make a strong case for trauma-informed approaches in substance use prevention, especially following shared national or community crises. Understanding the reflexive, fear-based nature of these cravings is a necessary first step toward addressing them effectively.
(Source: WRD News)
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